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THE REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY AND INSTRUMENTALISATION OF LGBT RIGHTS: HOW DID ATTITUDES TOWARDS LGBT PEOPLE CHANGE IN UKRAINE AFTER EUROMAIDAN?

stmm. 2021 (1): 127-150

DOI https://doi.org/10.15407/sociology2021.01.127

OLEKSII SHESTAKOVSKI, Candidate of Sciences in Sociology, independent scholar (2G, Marshal Tymoshenko St., flat 99, Kyiv, 04212)

o.shest@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7823-9976

MAKSYM KASIANCZUK, Strategic Information Adviser at the Eurasian Coalition on Health, Rights, Gender and Sexual Diversity (142, Parnu Rd., Tallinn, Estonia, 11317)

maxim.kasianczuk@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0701-3595

OLESIA TROFYMENKO, Leading Sociologist at the Social Expertise Department, Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (12, Shovkovychna St., Kyiv, 01021)

olesia.trofymenko@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1442-2581

The aftermath of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity provoked a lot of criticism among the students of LGBT topics. The principles of non-discrimination and protection of LGBT rights are an exemplary manifestation of European values to which Euromaidan declared adherence. The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, which was signed after the Revolution, as well as visa-free travel, which was granted to Ukrainian citizens, obliged this country to liberalise LGBT-related laws due to the EUʼs policy on the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights. However, there is a view that this step may cause conflicts in Ukrainian society, which is still predominantly homophobic, and only lead to a superficial change in the condition of LGBT people owing to pressure from the European Union. Some scholars (e.g. Shevtsova [2020], Wannebo [2017]) claim that the instrumentalisation policy has even resulted in a backlash against the LGBT community and worsened the overall situation for them. But has this backlash (if it really happened) entailed a corresponding change in public opinion on LGBT issues? Surprisingly, the dynamics of public attitudes towards the LGBT community and their rights remain unexplored. The paper proposes to fill this gap by a comparative analysis of two cross-sectional surveys on this topic, which were conducted before (in 2013) and after (in 2016) the Revolution of Dignity in several regions of Ukraine. Within the framework of the study, three research questions have been posed: 1. Have Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community changed since Euromaidan? 2. How different (e. g. positive) were the attitudes towards LGBT people among Euromaidan supporters? 3. Have the events that happened after the Revolution of Dignity, such as Russia is hybrid war against Ukraine, been able to affect attitudes towards LGBT rights? The results show that there have been modest, albeit statistically significant positive changes in Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community since Euromaidan. However, practically no change in terms of support for LGBT rights has been recorded. Our findings are consistent with other relevant nationally representative surveys according to which public perception of LGBT individuals has not worsened. This fact suggests that the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights has not faced any backlash, at least from the general population. Other data in our study indicate that not all proponents of the Revolution of Dignity displayed favourable attitudes towards LGBT people; nevertheless, they held more positive views on the LGBT community and same-sex marriage than those who did not take part in Euromaidan. The respondents who have experienced the impact of the Donbas conflict also demonstrated relatively better attitudes to LGBT individuals and expressed support for their rights. Still, this may be linked to a significant percentage of Euromaidan participants among them.

Full article: eng

Keywords: Euromaidan, LGBT people in Ukraine, Europeanisation, instrumentalisation of LGBT rights, homonegativity, change in attitudes towards the LGBT community

References

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  2. Altemeyer, B. (1981). Right-wing authoritarianism. Winnipeg, Canada: University of Manitoba Press.
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Received 16.12.2020

THE REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY AND INSTRUMENTALISATION OF LGBT RIGHTS: HOW DID ATTITUDES TOWARDS LGBT PEOPLE CHANGE IN UKRAINE AFTER EUROMAIDAN?

stmm. 2021 (1): 127-150

DOI https://doi.org/10.15407/sociology2021.01.127

OLEKSII SHESTAKOVSKI, Candidate of Sciences in Sociology, independent scholar (2G, Marshal Tymoshenko St., flat 99, Kyiv, 04212)

o.shest@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7823-9976

MAKSYM KASIANCZUK, Strategic Information Adviser at the Eurasian Coalition on Health, Rights, Gender and Sexual Diversity (142, Parnu Rd., Tallinn, Estonia, 11317)

maxim.kasianczuk@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0701-3595

OLESIA TROFYMENKO, Leading Sociologist at the Social Expertise Department, Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (12, Shovkovychna St., Kyiv, 01021)

olesia.trofymenko@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1442-2581

The aftermath of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity provoked a lot of criticism among the students of LGBT topics. The principles of non-discrimination and protection of LGBT rights are an exemplary manifestation of European values to which Euromaidan declared adherence. The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, which was signed after the Revolution, as well as visa-free travel, which was granted to Ukrainian citizens, obliged this country to liberalise LGBT-related laws due to the EUʼs policy on the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights. However, there is a view that this step may cause conflicts in Ukrainian society, which is still predominantly homophobic, and only lead to a superficial change in the condition of LGBT people owing to pressure from the European Union. Some scholars (e.g. Shevtsova [2020], Wannebo [2017]) claim that the instrumentalisation policy has even resulted in a backlash against the LGBT community and worsened the overall situation for them. But has this backlash (if it really happened) entailed a corresponding change in public opinion on LGBT issues? Surprisingly, the dynamics of public attitudes towards the LGBT community and their rights remain unexplored. The paper proposes to fill this gap by a comparative analysis of two cross-sectional surveys on this topic, which were conducted before (in 2013) and after (in 2016) the Revolution of Dignity in several regions of Ukraine. Within the framework of the study, three research questions have been posed: 1. Have Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community changed since Euromaidan? 2. How different (e. g. positive) were the attitudes towards LGBT people among Euromaidan supporters? 3. Have the events that happened after the Revolution of Dignity, such as Russia is hybrid war against Ukraine, been able to affect attitudes towards LGBT rights? The results show that there have been modest, albeit statistically significant positive changes in Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community since Euromaidan. However, practically no change in terms of support for LGBT rights has been recorded. Our findings are consistent with other relevant nationally representative surveys according to which public perception of LGBT individuals has not worsened. This fact suggests that the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights has not faced any backlash, at least from the general population. Other data in our study indicate that not all proponents of the Revolution of Dignity displayed favourable attitudes towards LGBT people; nevertheless, they held more positive views on the LGBT community and same-sex marriage than those who did not take part in Euromaidan. The respondents who have experienced the impact of the Donbas conflict also demonstrated relatively better attitudes to LGBT individuals and expressed support for their rights. Still, this may be linked to a significant percentage of Euromaidan participants among them.

Full article: eng

Keywords: Euromaidan, LGBT people in Ukraine, Europeanisation, instrumentalisation of LGBT rights, homonegativity, change in attitudes towards the LGBT community

References

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  2. Altemeyer, B. (1981). Right-wing authoritarianism. Winnipeg, Canada: University of Manitoba Press.
  3. Altemeyer, B. (1996). The authoritarian specter. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
  4. Ammaturo, F. R. (2015). The ‘Pink Agenda’: Questioning and challenging European homonationalist sexual citizenship. Sociology, 49(6), 1151–1166. https://doi.org/10.1177/0038038514559324
  5. Amnesty International. (2015). Amnesty International Report 2014/15. The state of the world’s human rights. https://doi.org/10.1163/2210-7975_hrd-9211-3014
  6. Amnesty International. (2016). Amnesty International Report 2015/16. The state of the world’s human rights. https://doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/hup025
  7. Andersen, R., & Fetner, T. (2008). Cohort differences in tolerance of homosexuality: attitudinal change in Canada and the United States, 1981–2000. Public Opinion Quarterly, 72(2), 311–330. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfn017
  8. A survey shows that most Ukrainians oppose same-sex marriage. (2013, May 17). [In Ukrainian]. BBC News Ukrainian. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/news/2013/05/130517_ukraine_homophobia_it [= Більшість українців проти 2017]
  9. Balynska, O. (2014). A semiotic and legal analysis of Euromaidan symbols. [In Ukrainian]. Bulletin of the Lviv State University of Internal Affairs. Law, 2, 391–402. [= Балинська 2014]
  10. Baunach, D. M. (2012). Changing same-sex marriage attitudes in America from 1988 through 2010. Public Opinion Quaterly, 76(2), 364–378. https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfs022
  11. Bonny, R. (2018). The impact of the EU on the perception of homosexuality by Ukrainian political elites after the Euromaidan revolution (Master’s thesis, Vrije Universiteit Brussel). https://doi.org/10.22215/etd/2019-13437
  12. Browne, K., & Nash, C. J. (2014). Resisting LGBT rights where “we have won”: Canada and Great Britain. Journal of Human Rights, 13(3), 322–336. https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2014.923754
  13. Council of Europe. (2011). Discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity in Europe (Human rights report, 2nd ed.). https://doi.org/10.1163/2210-7975_hrd-9992-2015026
  14. Drescher J. (2015). Out of DSM: Depathologising homosexuality. Behavioural Sciences. 5(4), 565–575. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs5040565
  15. Duckitt, J., & Fisher, K. (2003). The impact of social threat on worldview and ideological attitudes. Political Psychology, 24(1), 199–222. https://doi.org/10.1111/0162-895X.00322
  16. European Union (2007). Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty establishing the European Community, 13 December 2007, 2007/C 306/01. https://doi.org/10.1163/2211-4394_rwilwo_ilwo_ib20
  17. Foundation. 101. (2016, October 31). There are almost 1.7 million internally displaced persons in Ukraine [Press release]. [In Ukrainian]. Retrieved from https://www.foundation101.org/news/20161031 [= Фундація 2016]
  18. Galay, A. (Ed.). (2019). The practice of enforcing LGBTQI rights by the police and other security institutions in local communities: Kyiv, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, and Kryvyi Rih (The summary results of a pilot field survey). [In Ukrainian]. Kyiv, Ukraine: Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union. [= Галай 2019]
  19. Graziano, P. R., & Vink, M. P. (2013). Europeanisation: Concept, theory, and methods. In S. Bulmer, & C. Lequesne (Eds.), The member states of the European Union (2nd ed.) (pp. 31–56). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.
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Received 16.12.2020

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