Geosocietal asymmetry and democratic resilience in Ukraine: panel survey evidence through Russia’s full-scale invasion
stmm. 2026 (4): 5-33
DOI
Full text:
MIKHAIL A. ALEXSEEV, Professor, Political Science Department, San Diego State University (5500, Campanile Dr, San Diego, CA 92182-4427)
alexseev@sdsu.edu
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2733-2182
SERHII DEMBITSKYI, Doctor of Sciences in Sociology, Deputy Director, Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (12, Shovkovychna St., Kyiv, 01021)
sociotest.solutions@gmail.com
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7958-3557
SCOPUS ID: 57189518563
The article tests the geosocietal logic of democratic resilience in Ukraine under a protracted full-scale war. The empirical basis is a longitudinal panel study by the Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine: a baseline survey (November 2021, N = 1,800) and five follow-up waves with the same respondents, from June–July 2022 through late 2024.
The share of respondents for whom democracy is personally important rose from 59% in November 2021 to 81% in June 2022 and subsequently ranged between 77% and 86%, with no significant differences across waves. Prewar geopolitical orientations, civic identity and news source choice significantly explain variation in the importance of democracy throughout the war; the strongest predictor is prewar support for a union with Russia, whose adherents value democracy about 12% lower. The invasion acted as a geosocietal leveller: support for democracy over three months after Russia's full-scale invasion increased the most among previously Russia-oriented respondents, yet a significant gap between groups persisted as the war continued. In models restricted to the wartime period (Waves 2–6), prewar factors no longer explain subsequent change: stable individual traits account for 88–90% of the variation, meaning that attitudes formed at the war's onset became highly entrenched.
The article substantiates the concept of geosocietal infospheres with asymmetric effects: prewar reliance on Russia-based news sources consistently depresses support for democracy, whereas the positive effect of Western sources is mostly insignificant, indicating an autocratic advantage in information warfare. Personal war loss raises, while post-traumatic stress lowers, support for democracy. Support for EU and NATO membership, which rose after the invasion and remained high, is robustly associated with stronger support for democracy. Therefore, the sense of belonging to a democratic geopolitical coalition, which external support for Ukraine also helps sustain, is a key factor in its democratic resilience.
Keywords: democratic resilience; geosocietal support for democracy; geosocietal infospheres; media effects
References:
Alexseev, M.A. & Dembitskyi, S. (2024). Geosocietal support for democracy: Survey evidence from Ukraine. Perspectives on Politics, 16 April, 1077–1099.
Arel, D. (2017). Language, status, and state loyalty in Ukraine. Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 35, 233.
Baker, W.D. & Oneal, J.R. (2001). Patriotism or opinion leadership? The nature and origins of the “rally ’round the flag” effect. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 45, 661–687.
Barrington, L. & Faranda, R. (2009). Reexamining region, ethnicity, and language in Ukraine. Post-Soviet Affairs, 25, 232.
Barrington, L.W. & Herron, E.S. (2004). One Ukraine or many? Regionalism in Ukraine and its political consequences. Nationalities Papers, 32(1), 53–86.
Bauer, M., Blattman, C., Chytilová, J., Henrich, J., Miguel, E., & Mitts, T. (2016). Can war foster cooperation? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 30, 249–274.
Bennett, W.L. & Livingston, S. (2018). The disinformation order: Disruptive communication and the decline of democratic institutions. European Journal of Communication, 33, 122–139.
Canetti-Nisim, D., Halperin, E., Sharvit, K., & Hobfoll, S.E. (2009). A new stress-based model of political extremism: Personal exposure to terrorism, psychological distress, and exclusionist political attitudes. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 53, 363–389.
Chapman, H. S., & Gerber, T. P. (2019). Opinion-formation and issue-framing effects of Russian news in Kyrgyzstan. International Studies Quarterly, 63, 756–769.
Chemtob, C.M., Novaco, R.W., Hamada, R.S., & Gross, D.M. (1997). Cognitive-behavioral treatment for severe anger in posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 65, 184–189.
Cinelli, M., De Francisci Morales, G., Galeazzi, A., Quattrociocchi, W., & Starnini, M. (2021). The echo chamber effect on social media. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 118, e2023301118.
Claassen, C. (2020). Does public support help democracy survive? American Journal of Political Science, 64, 118–134.
Diamond, L. (1999). Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation. Johns Hopkins University Press.
Dyrstad, K. (2013). Does civil war breed authoritarian values? An empirical study of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Croatia. Democratization, 20, 1219–1242.
Easton, D. (1975). A re-assessment of the concept of political support. British Journal of Political Science, 44, 293–300.
Entman, R. M. (2008). Theorizing mediated public diplomacy: The U.S. case. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 13, 87–102.
Gaertner, S.L. & Dovidio, J.F. (2000). Reducing Intergroup Bias: The Common Ingroup Identity Model. Psychology Press.
Gerbner, G. (1969). Toward “cultural indicators”: The analysis of mass mediated public message systems. AV Communication Review, 17, 137–148.
Golovakha, E. & Gorbachik, A. (2014). Tendentsii sotsial’nykh zmin v Ukraini ta Yevropi za rezul’tatamy yevropeis’kogo sotsial’noho doslidzhennia 2005–2007–2009–2011–2013 [Trends of social changes in Ukraine and Europe: The results of the European Social Survey 2005–2007–2009–2011–2013]. Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine.
Gourevitch, P. (1978). The second image reversed: The international sources of domestic politics. International Organization, 32, 881–912.
Greenfeld, L. (1993). Nationalism: Five roads to modernity. Harvard University Press.
Iyengar, S. & Hahn, K.S. (2009). Red media, blue media: Evidence of ideological selectivity in media use. Journal of Communication, 59, 19–39.
Iyengar, S. & Kinder, D.R. (1987). News that Matters: Television and American Public Opinion. University of Chicago Press.
Iyengar, S. & Simon, A. (1994). News coverage of the Gulf crisis and public opinion: A study of agenda-setting, priming, and framing. In: W.L. Bennett & D.L. Paletz (Eds.), Taken by Storm: The Media, Public Opinion, and U.S. Foreign Policy in the Gulf War (pp. 167–185). University of Chicago Press.
Iyengar, S., Hahn, K.S., Krosnick, J.A., & Walker, J. (2008). Selective exposure to campaign communication: The role of anticipated agreement and issue public membership. The Journal of Politics, 70, 186–200.
Janoff-Bulman, R. (1992). Shattered assumptions: Toward a new psychology of trauma. Free Press.
Kohama, S., Inamasu, K., & Tago, A. (2017). To denounce, or not to denounce: Survey experiments on diplomatic quarrels. Political Communication, 34, 243–260.
Kulyk, V. (2011). Language identity, linguistic diversity and political cleavages: Evidence from Ukraine. Nations and Nationalism, 17, 627–648.
Ladewig, J.W. (2020). Murder and presidential elections: A cultivation-based issue-ownership theory of local television news and its geographic structure. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 50, 811–844.
Laitin, D.D. (1998). Identity in formation: The Russian-speaking populations in the near abroad. Cornell University Press.
Lipset, S.M. (1959). Some social requisites of democracy: Economic development and political legitimacy. American Political Science Review, 53, 69–105.
Mader, M., Marinov, N., & Schoen, H. (2022). Foreign anti-mainstream propaganda and democratic publics. Comparative Political Studies, 55, 1732–1764.
Manokara, K., Hornsey, M.J., & Jetten, J. (2025). The elite global citizen: How wealth shapes cosmopolitan identity and charitable intentions. European Journal of Social Psychology, 55, 99–118.
McCombs, M.E. & Shaw, D.L. (1993). The evolution of agenda-setting research: Twenty-five years in the marketplace of ideas. Journal of Communication, 43, 58.
Morgan, M. & Shanahan, J. (2010). The state of cultivation. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 54, 337–355.
Mueller, J.F. (1973). War, Presidents, and Public Opinion. Wiley.
Oleinik, A. & Paniotto, V. (2023). War propaganda unfolded: Comparative effectiveness of propaganda and counterpropaganda in Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. International Journal of Communication, 17, 7265–7290.
Onuch, O. (2022). Why Ukrainians are rallying around democracy. Journal of Democracy, 33, 37–46.
Onuch, O. & Hale, H.E. (2018). Capturing ethnicity: The case of Ukraine. Post-Soviet Affairs, 34, 84–106.
Peisakhin, L. & Rozenas, A. (2018). Electoral effects of biased media: Russian television in Ukraine. American Journal of Political Science, 62, 535–550.
Pop-Eleches, G. & Robertson, G.B. (2018). Identity and political preferences in Ukraine — before and after the Euromaidan. Post-Soviet Affairs, 34, 107–118.
Potter, W.J. (2014). A critical analysis of cultivation theory. Journal of Communication, 64, 1015–1036.
Rasler, K. & Thompson, W. R. (2004). The democratic peace and a sequential, reciprocal, causal arrow hypothesis. Comparative Political Studies, 37, 879–908.
Reuveny, R. & Li, Q. (2003). The joint democracy–dyadic conflict nexus: A simultaneous equations model. International Studies Quarterly, 47, 325–346.
Rosenblatt, A., Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., Lyon, D., & Pyszczynski, T. (1989). Evidence for terror management theory: I. The effects of mortality salience on reactions to those who violate or uphold cultural values. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 57, 681.
Sheafer, T. & Gabay, I. (2009). Mediated public diplomacy: A strategic contest over international agenda building and frame building. Political Communication, 26, 447–467.
Shevel, O. (2002). Nationality in Ukraine: Some rules of engagement. East European Politics and Societies, 16, 386–413.
Szostek, J. & Orlova, D. (2024). Free speech versus defence of the nation? The media as sources of national insecurity in Ukraine. European Security, 33, 82–106.
Szporluk, R. (1997). Ukraine: From an imperial periphery to a sovereign state. Daedalus, 126, 85–119.
Tajfel, H. & Turner, J. (1986). The social identity theory of inter-group behavior. In: S. Worchel & W.G. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 7–24). Nelson-Hall.
Tilly, C. (1992). Coercion, capital and European states, AD 990–1990. Blackwell.
Wanta, W. & Ghanem, S. (2007). Effects of agenda setting. In: Mass Media Effects Research: Advances Through Meta-Analysis (pp. 37–51). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Weber, M. (1965). Politics as a Vocation. Fortress Press.
Wenzel, M., Stasiuk-Krajewska, K., Macková, V., & Turková, K. (2023). The penetration of Russian disinformation related to the war in Ukraine: Evidence from Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. International Political Science Review, 45, 192–208.
Received 10.07.2026
Accepted for publication after review 08.08.2026
Geosocietal asymmetry and democratic resilience in Ukraine: panel survey evidence through Russia’s full-scale invasion
stmm. 2026 (4): 5-33
DOI
Full text:
MIKHAIL A. ALEXSEEV, Professor, Political Science Department, San Diego State University (5500, Campanile Dr, San Diego, CA 92182-4427)
alexseev@sdsu.edu
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2733-2182
SERHII DEMBITSKYI, Doctor of Sciences in Sociology, Deputy Director, Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (12, Shovkovychna St., Kyiv, 01021)
sociotest.solutions@gmail.com
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7958-3557
SCOPUS ID: 57189518563
The article tests the geosocietal logic of democratic resilience in Ukraine under a protracted full-scale war. The empirical basis is a longitudinal panel study by the Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine: a baseline survey (November 2021, N = 1,800) and five follow-up waves with the same respondents, from June–July 2022 through late 2024.
The share of respondents for whom democracy is personally important rose from 59% in November 2021 to 81% in June 2022 and subsequently ranged between 77% and 86%, with no significant differences across waves. Prewar geopolitical orientations, civic identity and news source choice significantly explain variation in the importance of democracy throughout the war; the strongest predictor is prewar support for a union with Russia, whose adherents value democracy about 12% lower. The invasion acted as a geosocietal leveller: support for democracy over three months after Russia's full-scale invasion increased the most among previously Russia-oriented respondents, yet a significant gap between groups persisted as the war continued. In models restricted to the wartime period (Waves 2–6), prewar factors no longer explain subsequent change: stable individual traits account for 88–90% of the variation, meaning that attitudes formed at the war's onset became highly entrenched.
The article substantiates the concept of geosocietal infospheres with asymmetric effects: prewar reliance on Russia-based news sources consistently depresses support for democracy, whereas the positive effect of Western sources is mostly insignificant, indicating an autocratic advantage in information warfare. Personal war loss raises, while post-traumatic stress lowers, support for democracy. Support for EU and NATO membership, which rose after the invasion and remained high, is robustly associated with stronger support for democracy. Therefore, the sense of belonging to a democratic geopolitical coalition, which external support for Ukraine also helps sustain, is a key factor in its democratic resilience.
Keywords: democratic resilience; geosocietal support for democracy; geosocietal infospheres; media effects
References:
Alexseev, M.A. & Dembitskyi, S. (2024). Geosocietal support for democracy: Survey evidence from Ukraine. Perspectives on Politics, 16 April, 1077–1099.
Arel, D. (2017). Language, status, and state loyalty in Ukraine. Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 35, 233.
Baker, W.D. & Oneal, J.R. (2001). Patriotism or opinion leadership? The nature and origins of the “rally ’round the flag” effect. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 45, 661–687.
Barrington, L. & Faranda, R. (2009). Reexamining region, ethnicity, and language in Ukraine. Post-Soviet Affairs, 25, 232.
Barrington, L.W. & Herron, E.S. (2004). One Ukraine or many? Regionalism in Ukraine and its political consequences. Nationalities Papers, 32(1), 53–86.
Bauer, M., Blattman, C., Chytilová, J., Henrich, J., Miguel, E., & Mitts, T. (2016). Can war foster cooperation? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 30, 249–274.
Bennett, W.L. & Livingston, S. (2018). The disinformation order: Disruptive communication and the decline of democratic institutions. European Journal of Communication, 33, 122–139.
Canetti-Nisim, D., Halperin, E., Sharvit, K., & Hobfoll, S.E. (2009). A new stress-based model of political extremism: Personal exposure to terrorism, psychological distress, and exclusionist political attitudes. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 53, 363–389.
Chapman, H. S., & Gerber, T. P. (2019). Opinion-formation and issue-framing effects of Russian news in Kyrgyzstan. International Studies Quarterly, 63, 756–769.
Chemtob, C.M., Novaco, R.W., Hamada, R.S., & Gross, D.M. (1997). Cognitive-behavioral treatment for severe anger in posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 65, 184–189.
Cinelli, M., De Francisci Morales, G., Galeazzi, A., Quattrociocchi, W., & Starnini, M. (2021). The echo chamber effect on social media. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 118, e2023301118.
Claassen, C. (2020). Does public support help democracy survive? American Journal of Political Science, 64, 118–134.
Diamond, L. (1999). Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation. Johns Hopkins University Press.
Dyrstad, K. (2013). Does civil war breed authoritarian values? An empirical study of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Croatia. Democratization, 20, 1219–1242.
Easton, D. (1975). A re-assessment of the concept of political support. British Journal of Political Science, 44, 293–300.
Entman, R. M. (2008). Theorizing mediated public diplomacy: The U.S. case. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 13, 87–102.
Gaertner, S.L. & Dovidio, J.F. (2000). Reducing Intergroup Bias: The Common Ingroup Identity Model. Psychology Press.
Gerbner, G. (1969). Toward “cultural indicators”: The analysis of mass mediated public message systems. AV Communication Review, 17, 137–148.
Golovakha, E. & Gorbachik, A. (2014). Tendentsii sotsial’nykh zmin v Ukraini ta Yevropi za rezul’tatamy yevropeis’kogo sotsial’noho doslidzhennia 2005–2007–2009–2011–2013 [Trends of social changes in Ukraine and Europe: The results of the European Social Survey 2005–2007–2009–2011–2013]. Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine.
Gourevitch, P. (1978). The second image reversed: The international sources of domestic politics. International Organization, 32, 881–912.
Greenfeld, L. (1993). Nationalism: Five roads to modernity. Harvard University Press.
Iyengar, S. & Hahn, K.S. (2009). Red media, blue media: Evidence of ideological selectivity in media use. Journal of Communication, 59, 19–39.
Iyengar, S. & Kinder, D.R. (1987). News that Matters: Television and American Public Opinion. University of Chicago Press.
Iyengar, S. & Simon, A. (1994). News coverage of the Gulf crisis and public opinion: A study of agenda-setting, priming, and framing. In: W.L. Bennett & D.L. Paletz (Eds.), Taken by Storm: The Media, Public Opinion, and U.S. Foreign Policy in the Gulf War (pp. 167–185). University of Chicago Press.
Iyengar, S., Hahn, K.S., Krosnick, J.A., & Walker, J. (2008). Selective exposure to campaign communication: The role of anticipated agreement and issue public membership. The Journal of Politics, 70, 186–200.
Janoff-Bulman, R. (1992). Shattered assumptions: Toward a new psychology of trauma. Free Press.
Kohama, S., Inamasu, K., & Tago, A. (2017). To denounce, or not to denounce: Survey experiments on diplomatic quarrels. Political Communication, 34, 243–260.
Kulyk, V. (2011). Language identity, linguistic diversity and political cleavages: Evidence from Ukraine. Nations and Nationalism, 17, 627–648.
Ladewig, J.W. (2020). Murder and presidential elections: A cultivation-based issue-ownership theory of local television news and its geographic structure. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 50, 811–844.
Laitin, D.D. (1998). Identity in formation: The Russian-speaking populations in the near abroad. Cornell University Press.
Lipset, S.M. (1959). Some social requisites of democracy: Economic development and political legitimacy. American Political Science Review, 53, 69–105.
Mader, M., Marinov, N., & Schoen, H. (2022). Foreign anti-mainstream propaganda and democratic publics. Comparative Political Studies, 55, 1732–1764.
Manokara, K., Hornsey, M.J., & Jetten, J. (2025). The elite global citizen: How wealth shapes cosmopolitan identity and charitable intentions. European Journal of Social Psychology, 55, 99–118.
McCombs, M.E. & Shaw, D.L. (1993). The evolution of agenda-setting research: Twenty-five years in the marketplace of ideas. Journal of Communication, 43, 58.
Morgan, M. & Shanahan, J. (2010). The state of cultivation. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 54, 337–355.
Mueller, J.F. (1973). War, Presidents, and Public Opinion. Wiley.
Oleinik, A. & Paniotto, V. (2023). War propaganda unfolded: Comparative effectiveness of propaganda and counterpropaganda in Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. International Journal of Communication, 17, 7265–7290.
Onuch, O. (2022). Why Ukrainians are rallying around democracy. Journal of Democracy, 33, 37–46.
Onuch, O. & Hale, H.E. (2018). Capturing ethnicity: The case of Ukraine. Post-Soviet Affairs, 34, 84–106.
Peisakhin, L. & Rozenas, A. (2018). Electoral effects of biased media: Russian television in Ukraine. American Journal of Political Science, 62, 535–550.
Pop-Eleches, G. & Robertson, G.B. (2018). Identity and political preferences in Ukraine — before and after the Euromaidan. Post-Soviet Affairs, 34, 107–118.
Potter, W.J. (2014). A critical analysis of cultivation theory. Journal of Communication, 64, 1015–1036.
Rasler, K. & Thompson, W. R. (2004). The democratic peace and a sequential, reciprocal, causal arrow hypothesis. Comparative Political Studies, 37, 879–908.
Reuveny, R. & Li, Q. (2003). The joint democracy–dyadic conflict nexus: A simultaneous equations model. International Studies Quarterly, 47, 325–346.
Rosenblatt, A., Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., Lyon, D., & Pyszczynski, T. (1989). Evidence for terror management theory: I. The effects of mortality salience on reactions to those who violate or uphold cultural values. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 57, 681.
Sheafer, T. & Gabay, I. (2009). Mediated public diplomacy: A strategic contest over international agenda building and frame building. Political Communication, 26, 447–467.
Shevel, O. (2002). Nationality in Ukraine: Some rules of engagement. East European Politics and Societies, 16, 386–413.
Szostek, J. & Orlova, D. (2024). Free speech versus defence of the nation? The media as sources of national insecurity in Ukraine. European Security, 33, 82–106.
Szporluk, R. (1997). Ukraine: From an imperial periphery to a sovereign state. Daedalus, 126, 85–119.
Tajfel, H. & Turner, J. (1986). The social identity theory of inter-group behavior. In: S. Worchel & W.G. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 7–24). Nelson-Hall.
Tilly, C. (1992). Coercion, capital and European states, AD 990–1990. Blackwell.
Wanta, W. & Ghanem, S. (2007). Effects of agenda setting. In: Mass Media Effects Research: Advances Through Meta-Analysis (pp. 37–51). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Weber, M. (1965). Politics as a Vocation. Fortress Press.
Wenzel, M., Stasiuk-Krajewska, K., Macková, V., & Turková, K. (2023). The penetration of Russian disinformation related to the war in Ukraine: Evidence from Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. International Political Science Review, 45, 192–208.
Received 10.07.2026
Accepted for publication after review 08.08.2026