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Mixed values and societal constraints: why the request for a "strong hand" will not lead to authoritarianism in Ukraine

stmm. 2020 (4): 43-67

DOI https://doi.org/10.15407/sociology2020.04.043

YURIY MATSIYEVSKY,

Professor of Political Science and National Security at the Ostroh Academy National University, Head of the Center for Political Research at OANU (2 Seminarska St., Ostroh, Ukraine, 35800)

yurii.matsiievskyi@oa.edu.ua

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9637-0572

Given the global rise of illiberalism and Ukraine’s own post-revolutionary turbulence, what are the risks that the war-torn society descends to authoritarianism? In contrast to numerous alerts, I argue that none of the modern forms of authoritarianism is likely in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. There are at least three groups of structural, institutional, and agency based factors that make the emergence of the authoritarian regime in Ukraine highly improbable. These are: poor leadership legitimacy, poor economy performance, regional polarization, weak state repressive capacity, the relative weakness of the ‘party of power’, fragmented elite structure, the growing linkage with the West, semi-presidentialism, institutionalized hybridity (the legacy of being hybrid regime), lack of charismatic leadership, mixed public attitudes and gravity of three (1990, 2004, 2014) waves of anti-authoritarian protest. Theoretically, this article draws on the congruence theory, which posits that the regime is stable in so far as its authority pattern meets people’s authority beliefs. The empirical data from the latest wave of World Values Survey demonstrate that Ukrainians share mixed authority beliefs, as exemplified in liberal and authoritarian notions of democracy. The score of liberal notion of democracy for Ukraine is twice higher than that of authoritarian notion (0.82 to 0.41) and is supported by the growing score of emancipative values. ‘The authoritarian congruence’, therefore is hardly achievable in the post-Euromaidan Ukraine, while any attempt to impose authoritarian rule from above would face the cumulative resistance effect produced by these three groups of factors.

Full article: ukr | rus

Keywords: authoritarianism, congruence theory, authoritarian congruence, liberal notion of democracy, authoritarian notion of democracy, hybrid regime, Ukraine

References

Almond, G., Verba, S. (1963). The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Altemeyer, B. (2006). The Authoritarians. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba.

Ambrosio, Th. (2017). The Fall of Yanukovych: Structural and Political Constraints to Implementing Authoritarian Learning. East European Politics, 33(2), 184–209. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2017.1304382

Armstrong, J. A. (1959). The Soviet Bureaucratic Elite: A Case Study of the Ukrainian Apparatus. New York: Frederick A. Praeger.

Averchuk, R. (2018, November 21). The Pros and Cons of Tymoshenko’s Constitutional Reform Proposal. [In Ukrainian]. Vox Ukraine. https://voxukraine.org/en/the-pros-and-cons-of-tym... [=Аверчук 2018]

Beissinger, M. (2011). Mechanisms of Maidan: The Structure of Contingency in the Making of the Orange Revolution. Mobilization: An International Quarterly, 16(1), 25–43.

Choudhry, S., Sedelius, Th., Kyrychenko, J. (2018). Semi-Presidentialism and Inclusive Governance in Ukraine: Reflections for Constitutional Reform. The Centre of Policy and Legal Reform and Stockholm International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Retrieved from: https://www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/semi-presidentialism-and-inclusive-governance-in-ukraine.pdf

Chudowsky, V., Kuzio, T. (2003). Does Public Opinion Matter in Ukraine? The Case of Foreign Policy. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 36, 273–290. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1016/S0967-067X(03)00039-4

D’Anieri, P. (2007). Understanding Ukrainian Politics: Power, Politics, and Institutional Design. Armonk, NY, London: M.E. Sharpe.

D’Anieri, P. (2011). Structural Constraints in Ukrainian Politics. East European Politics and Societies, 25(1), 28–46. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325410388559

D’Anieri, P. (2003).Leonid Kuchma and the Personalization of the Ukrainian Presidency. Problems of Post-Communism,50(5), 5865. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2003.11656055

Eckstein, H. (1966). A Theory of Stable Democracy. Princeton,NJ: Princeton University Press.

Eckstein, H. (1977). Congruence Theory Explained. UC Irvine: Center for the Study of Democracy. Retrieved from: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2wb616g6

Eckstein, H. (1991). Regarding Politics: Essays on Political Theory, Stability, and Change. Berkeley: University of California Press.

European and World Values Survey (2010–2014). Wave 6. Retrieved from: www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp

Geddes, B. (1999). What Do We Know About Democratization After Twenty Years? Annual Review of Political Science, 2 (1), 115–144. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.115

Gerschewski, J. (2013). The Three Pillars of Stability:Legitimation, Repression, and Co-optation in Autocratic Regimes. Democratization, 20 (1), 1338.Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2013.738860

Glasius, M. (2018). What Authoritarianism is ... and is not: A Practice Perspective. International Affairs, 94(3), 515–533. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy060

Hale, H. (2014). Patronal Politics. Eurasian Regime Dynamics in Comparative Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Harasymiw, B. (2002). Post-Soviet Ukraine. Toronto, Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press.

Higley, J., Bayulgen, O. (2003). Political elite integration and differentiation in Russia. In: V. Gel'man, A. Steen (Eds.), Elites and Democratic Development in Russia. London: Routledge.

Kirsch, H., Welzel, Ch. (2018). Democracy Misunderstood: Authoritarian Notions of Democracy Around the Globe. _Social Forces, 97,1–__33._Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soy114

Knott, E. (2018). Perpetually «Partly Free»: Lessons from: Post-Soviet Hybrid Regimes on Backsliding in Central and Eastern Europe. East European Politics, 34 (3), 355–376. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2018.1493993

Krymeniuk, О., Brik, Т. (2019). What do the majority of Ukrainians think about state control over economics and personal freedoms? [In Ukrainian]. Vox Ukraine. Retrieved from: https://voxukraine.org/en/what-do-the-majority-of-...

Kudelia, S. (2018). Presidential Activism and Government Termination in Dual-Executive Ukraine. Post-Soviet Affairs, 34(4), 246–261. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1465251

Kuzio, T. (2014a). Crime, Politics and Business in 1990s Ukraine. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 47(2), 195–210. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.011

Kuzio, T. (2014b). Impediments to the Emergence of Political Parties in Ukraine. Politics, 34(4), 309–323. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.12067

Kyrychenko, І. (2010, April 2 ). Unstable «centaur» of our democracy. [In Ukrainian]. Dzerkalo Tyzhnya. Retrieved from: https://dt.ua/SOCIETY/nestiykiy_kentavr_nashoyi_de... [=Кириченко 2010]

Laitin, D. (1998). Identity in Formation: The Russian-Speaking Populations in the Near Abroad. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.

Levitsky, S., Way, L. A. (2010). Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War. Problems of International Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Linz, J. (1975). Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes. In: F.I. Greenstein, et al. (Eds.), Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 3: Macro-Political Theory, Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

Mackessey, P. (2019, July 12). Romania’s president blasts government over corruption report. Anti-Corruption Digest. Retrieved from: https://anticorruptiondigest.com/2019/07/12/romanias-president-blasts-government-over-corruption-report/#axzz67Q0wmUFB

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2010). What kind of a regime does V.Yanukovych build and what would come out of it? [In Ukrainain]. Scholarly Notes of the National University of Ostroh Academy. Political Science Series, 4, 274–289. [Мацієвський 2010]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2011a). Involution of Constitutionalism and Quasi-Authoritarian Regime in Ukraine. [In Ukrainian]. Elections and Democracy,3, 49–56. [=Мацієвський 2011a]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2011b). Tempations by Authoritarianism [In Ukrainian]. Krytyka. Criticism Essays Reviews, 5/6, 2–7. [=Мацієвський 2011b]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2016). Trapped in Hybridity: Zigzags of Ukraine’s Regime Tranaformations (1991-2014). [In Ukrainian]. Chernivtsi, Books XXI. [=Мацієвський 2016]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2018). Trapped in Hybridity: Ukraine’s Regime Transformations after the 2014 Revolution. [In Russian]. Polis. Political Studies, 1, 96–115. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2018.01.07 [=Мациевский 2018]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2018а). Ukraine’s Regime Is Less Stable than It Was under Yanukovych: A Third Year Comparison. PONARS Eurasia policy memo # 517, Retrieved from: http://www.ponarseurasia.org/memo/ukraine-regime-less-stable-than-under-yanukovych-third-year-comparison

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2018b). Western Leverage, Russia’s Resistance and the Breakdown of the Yanukovych Regime. In: G. Soroka, T. Stepniewski (Еds.), Ukraine after Maidan. Revisiting Domestic and Regional Security (pp.157–159). Ibidem-Verlag.

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2018c). Revolution without Regime Change: The Evidence from: the Post-Euromaidan Ukraine. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 51(4), 349–359. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.11.001

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2020). From party substitutes to real parties: Is it possible in Ukraine? [In Ukrainain]. In: А. Romaniuk, V.Lytvyn (Eds.), Political Parties and Elections: Ukrainian and International Practices. IV International Conference(Vol. 4, 282–286). Lviv: Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. [=Мацієвський 2020]

Minakov, M., Mylovanov, T. (2016, July 5). Ukraine’s Authoritarian Signals. Open Democracy. Retrieved from: https://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/tymofiy-mylovanov-mykhailo-minakov/ukraine-s-authoritarian-signals

Moshniaha, N. (2020, June 4). The voice of the people to the Servant of the People. How much, to whom and about what are petitions submitted? [In Ukrainian]. Vox Ukraine. Retrieved from: https://voxukraine.org/uk/golos-narodu-do-slug-narodu-skilki-komu-i-pro-shho-podayut-petitsiyi/ [=Мошняга 2020]

Motyl, A.J. (1995). The Conceptual President: Leonid Kravhchuk and the Politics of Surrealism. In: T.J. Colton, R.C. Tucker (Eds.), Patterns in Post-Soviet Leadership. Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford: Westview Press.

Olofsgеrd, A., Desai, R.M., Tarik, Y. (2007). The Logic of Authoritarian Bargains: A Test of a Structural Model. The Brookings Institution. Global Economy and Development Working Paper 3. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/ 2016/06/ 01globaleconomics _desai.pdf

Olson, М. (2007). Power and Preosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. [Transl. in Ukrainian]. Kyiv: Kyiv-Mohyla Publishing. [=Олсон 2007]

Procenko, В. (2019). The “Strong Hand” Curse: Why Ukrainians Do Not Like Capitalism. [In Ukrainian]. Vox Ukraine. Retreived from: https://voxukraine.org/en/the-strong-hand-curse-wh... [=Проценко 2019]

Reznik, О. (2017). Declarative authoritariassness of Ukrainians mass public culture: real and fictional threats to democracy. [In Ukrainian]. Ahora, 19/20, 26–31. [=Резнік 2017]

von Soest, Ch., Grauvogel, J. (2015). How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries. GIGA Working Papers 277. Retrieved from: https://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/system/files/publications/wp-277-online.pdf

Way, L. (2005). Authoritarian State Building and the Sources of Regime Competitiveness in the Fourth Wave: The Cases of Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine. World Politics, 57(2), 231–261. Retrieved from: DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.2005.0018

Way, L. (2015). Pluralism by Default: Weak Autocrats and the Rise of Competitive Politics. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Welzel, Ch. (2013). Freedom Rising. Online Appendix. Retrieved from: https://www.cambridge.org/de/files/8613/8054/8416/FreedomRising_OA.pdf

Welzel, Ch., Inglehart R. (2009). Political Culture, Mass beliefs, and Value Change. In: Ch. Haerpfer, P. Bernhagen, R.F. Inglehart, Ch. Welzel (Eds.), Democratization. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Whitmore, S. (2014). Political Party Development in Ukraine. GSDRC Helpdesk Research Report 1146. Birmingham, UK: Retreived from: http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/hdq1146.pdf

Wilson, A. (1999). Ukraine. In: R. Elgie (Ed.), Semi-Presidentialism in Europe (pp. 260–280). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Wolczuk, K. (2000). History, Europe and the «National idea». The «Official» Narrative of National Identity in Ukraine. Nationalities Papers, 28, 671–694. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/00905990020009674

Received 18.08.2020

Mixed values and societal constraints: why the request for a "strong hand" will not lead to authoritarianism in Ukraine

stmm. 2020 (4): 43-67

DOI https://doi.org/10.15407/sociology2020.04.043

YURIY MATSIYEVSKY,

Professor of Political Science and National Security at the Ostroh Academy National University, Head of the Center for Political Research at OANU (2 Seminarska St., Ostroh, Ukraine, 35800)

yurii.matsiievskyi@oa.edu.ua

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9637-0572

Given the global rise of illiberalism and Ukraine’s own post-revolutionary turbulence, what are the risks that the war-torn society descends to authoritarianism? In contrast to numerous alerts, I argue that none of the modern forms of authoritarianism is likely in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. There are at least three groups of structural, institutional, and agency based factors that make the emergence of the authoritarian regime in Ukraine highly improbable. These are: poor leadership legitimacy, poor economy performance, regional polarization, weak state repressive capacity, the relative weakness of the ‘party of power’, fragmented elite structure, the growing linkage with the West, semi-presidentialism, institutionalized hybridity (the legacy of being hybrid regime), lack of charismatic leadership, mixed public attitudes and gravity of three (1990, 2004, 2014) waves of anti-authoritarian protest. Theoretically, this article draws on the congruence theory, which posits that the regime is stable in so far as its authority pattern meets people’s authority beliefs. The empirical data from the latest wave of World Values Survey demonstrate that Ukrainians share mixed authority beliefs, as exemplified in liberal and authoritarian notions of democracy. The score of liberal notion of democracy for Ukraine is twice higher than that of authoritarian notion (0.82 to 0.41) and is supported by the growing score of emancipative values. ‘The authoritarian congruence’, therefore is hardly achievable in the post-Euromaidan Ukraine, while any attempt to impose authoritarian rule from above would face the cumulative resistance effect produced by these three groups of factors.

Full article: ukr | rus

Keywords: authoritarianism, congruence theory, authoritarian congruence, liberal notion of democracy, authoritarian notion of democracy, hybrid regime, Ukraine

References

Almond, G., Verba, S. (1963). The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Altemeyer, B. (2006). The Authoritarians. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba.

Ambrosio, Th. (2017). The Fall of Yanukovych: Structural and Political Constraints to Implementing Authoritarian Learning. East European Politics, 33(2), 184–209. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2017.1304382

Armstrong, J. A. (1959). The Soviet Bureaucratic Elite: A Case Study of the Ukrainian Apparatus. New York: Frederick A. Praeger.

Averchuk, R. (2018, November 21). The Pros and Cons of Tymoshenko’s Constitutional Reform Proposal. [In Ukrainian]. Vox Ukraine. https://voxukraine.org/en/the-pros-and-cons-of-tym... [=Аверчук 2018]

Beissinger, M. (2011). Mechanisms of Maidan: The Structure of Contingency in the Making of the Orange Revolution. Mobilization: An International Quarterly, 16(1), 25–43.

Choudhry, S., Sedelius, Th., Kyrychenko, J. (2018). Semi-Presidentialism and Inclusive Governance in Ukraine: Reflections for Constitutional Reform. The Centre of Policy and Legal Reform and Stockholm International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Retrieved from: https://www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/semi-presidentialism-and-inclusive-governance-in-ukraine.pdf

Chudowsky, V., Kuzio, T. (2003). Does Public Opinion Matter in Ukraine? The Case of Foreign Policy. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 36, 273–290. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1016/S0967-067X(03)00039-4

D’Anieri, P. (2007). Understanding Ukrainian Politics: Power, Politics, and Institutional Design. Armonk, NY, London: M.E. Sharpe.

D’Anieri, P. (2011). Structural Constraints in Ukrainian Politics. East European Politics and Societies, 25(1), 28–46. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325410388559

D’Anieri, P. (2003).Leonid Kuchma and the Personalization of the Ukrainian Presidency. Problems of Post-Communism,50(5), 5865. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2003.11656055

Eckstein, H. (1966). A Theory of Stable Democracy. Princeton,NJ: Princeton University Press.

Eckstein, H. (1977). Congruence Theory Explained. UC Irvine: Center for the Study of Democracy. Retrieved from: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2wb616g6

Eckstein, H. (1991). Regarding Politics: Essays on Political Theory, Stability, and Change. Berkeley: University of California Press.

European and World Values Survey (2010–2014). Wave 6. Retrieved from: www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSOnline.jsp

Geddes, B. (1999). What Do We Know About Democratization After Twenty Years? Annual Review of Political Science, 2 (1), 115–144. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.115

Gerschewski, J. (2013). The Three Pillars of Stability:Legitimation, Repression, and Co-optation in Autocratic Regimes. Democratization, 20 (1), 1338.Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2013.738860

Glasius, M. (2018). What Authoritarianism is ... and is not: A Practice Perspective. International Affairs, 94(3), 515–533. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy060

Hale, H. (2014). Patronal Politics. Eurasian Regime Dynamics in Comparative Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Harasymiw, B. (2002). Post-Soviet Ukraine. Toronto, Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press.

Higley, J., Bayulgen, O. (2003). Political elite integration and differentiation in Russia. In: V. Gel'man, A. Steen (Eds.), Elites and Democratic Development in Russia. London: Routledge.

Kirsch, H., Welzel, Ch. (2018). Democracy Misunderstood: Authoritarian Notions of Democracy Around the Globe. _Social Forces, 97,1–__33._Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soy114

Knott, E. (2018). Perpetually «Partly Free»: Lessons from: Post-Soviet Hybrid Regimes on Backsliding in Central and Eastern Europe. East European Politics, 34 (3), 355–376. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2018.1493993

Krymeniuk, О., Brik, Т. (2019). What do the majority of Ukrainians think about state control over economics and personal freedoms? [In Ukrainian]. Vox Ukraine. Retrieved from: https://voxukraine.org/en/what-do-the-majority-of-...

Kudelia, S. (2018). Presidential Activism and Government Termination in Dual-Executive Ukraine. Post-Soviet Affairs, 34(4), 246–261. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1465251

Kuzio, T. (2014a). Crime, Politics and Business in 1990s Ukraine. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 47(2), 195–210. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.011

Kuzio, T. (2014b). Impediments to the Emergence of Political Parties in Ukraine. Politics, 34(4), 309–323. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.12067

Kyrychenko, І. (2010, April 2 ). Unstable «centaur» of our democracy. [In Ukrainian]. Dzerkalo Tyzhnya. Retrieved from: https://dt.ua/SOCIETY/nestiykiy_kentavr_nashoyi_de... [=Кириченко 2010]

Laitin, D. (1998). Identity in Formation: The Russian-Speaking Populations in the Near Abroad. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.

Levitsky, S., Way, L. A. (2010). Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War. Problems of International Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Linz, J. (1975). Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes. In: F.I. Greenstein, et al. (Eds.), Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 3: Macro-Political Theory, Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

Mackessey, P. (2019, July 12). Romania’s president blasts government over corruption report. Anti-Corruption Digest. Retrieved from: https://anticorruptiondigest.com/2019/07/12/romanias-president-blasts-government-over-corruption-report/#axzz67Q0wmUFB

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2010). What kind of a regime does V.Yanukovych build and what would come out of it? [In Ukrainain]. Scholarly Notes of the National University of Ostroh Academy. Political Science Series, 4, 274–289. [Мацієвський 2010]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2011a). Involution of Constitutionalism and Quasi-Authoritarian Regime in Ukraine. [In Ukrainian]. Elections and Democracy,3, 49–56. [=Мацієвський 2011a]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2011b). Tempations by Authoritarianism [In Ukrainian]. Krytyka. Criticism Essays Reviews, 5/6, 2–7. [=Мацієвський 2011b]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2016). Trapped in Hybridity: Zigzags of Ukraine’s Regime Tranaformations (1991-2014). [In Ukrainian]. Chernivtsi, Books XXI. [=Мацієвський 2016]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2018). Trapped in Hybridity: Ukraine’s Regime Transformations after the 2014 Revolution. [In Russian]. Polis. Political Studies, 1, 96–115. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2018.01.07 [=Мациевский 2018]

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2018а). Ukraine’s Regime Is Less Stable than It Was under Yanukovych: A Third Year Comparison. PONARS Eurasia policy memo # 517, Retrieved from: http://www.ponarseurasia.org/memo/ukraine-regime-less-stable-than-under-yanukovych-third-year-comparison

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2018b). Western Leverage, Russia’s Resistance and the Breakdown of the Yanukovych Regime. In: G. Soroka, T. Stepniewski (Еds.), Ukraine after Maidan. Revisiting Domestic and Regional Security (pp.157–159). Ibidem-Verlag.

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2018c). Revolution without Regime Change: The Evidence from: the Post-Euromaidan Ukraine. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 51(4), 349–359. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.11.001

Matsiyevsky, Y. (2020). From party substitutes to real parties: Is it possible in Ukraine? [In Ukrainain]. In: А. Romaniuk, V.Lytvyn (Eds.), Political Parties and Elections: Ukrainian and International Practices. IV International Conference(Vol. 4, 282–286). Lviv: Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. [=Мацієвський 2020]

Minakov, M., Mylovanov, T. (2016, July 5). Ukraine’s Authoritarian Signals. Open Democracy. Retrieved from: https://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/tymofiy-mylovanov-mykhailo-minakov/ukraine-s-authoritarian-signals

Moshniaha, N. (2020, June 4). The voice of the people to the Servant of the People. How much, to whom and about what are petitions submitted? [In Ukrainian]. Vox Ukraine. Retrieved from: https://voxukraine.org/uk/golos-narodu-do-slug-narodu-skilki-komu-i-pro-shho-podayut-petitsiyi/ [=Мошняга 2020]

Motyl, A.J. (1995). The Conceptual President: Leonid Kravhchuk and the Politics of Surrealism. In: T.J. Colton, R.C. Tucker (Eds.), Patterns in Post-Soviet Leadership. Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford: Westview Press.

Olofsgеrd, A., Desai, R.M., Tarik, Y. (2007). The Logic of Authoritarian Bargains: A Test of a Structural Model. The Brookings Institution. Global Economy and Development Working Paper 3. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/ 2016/06/ 01globaleconomics _desai.pdf

Olson, М. (2007). Power and Preosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. [Transl. in Ukrainian]. Kyiv: Kyiv-Mohyla Publishing. [=Олсон 2007]

Procenko, В. (2019). The “Strong Hand” Curse: Why Ukrainians Do Not Like Capitalism. [In Ukrainian]. Vox Ukraine. Retreived from: https://voxukraine.org/en/the-strong-hand-curse-wh... [=Проценко 2019]

Reznik, О. (2017). Declarative authoritariassness of Ukrainians mass public culture: real and fictional threats to democracy. [In Ukrainian]. Ahora, 19/20, 26–31. [=Резнік 2017]

von Soest, Ch., Grauvogel, J. (2015). How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries. GIGA Working Papers 277. Retrieved from: https://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/system/files/publications/wp-277-online.pdf

Way, L. (2005). Authoritarian State Building and the Sources of Regime Competitiveness in the Fourth Wave: The Cases of Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine. World Politics, 57(2), 231–261. Retrieved from: DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.2005.0018

Way, L. (2015). Pluralism by Default: Weak Autocrats and the Rise of Competitive Politics. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Welzel, Ch. (2013). Freedom Rising. Online Appendix. Retrieved from: https://www.cambridge.org/de/files/8613/8054/8416/FreedomRising_OA.pdf

Welzel, Ch., Inglehart R. (2009). Political Culture, Mass beliefs, and Value Change. In: Ch. Haerpfer, P. Bernhagen, R.F. Inglehart, Ch. Welzel (Eds.), Democratization. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Whitmore, S. (2014). Political Party Development in Ukraine. GSDRC Helpdesk Research Report 1146. Birmingham, UK: Retreived from: http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/hdq1146.pdf

Wilson, A. (1999). Ukraine. In: R. Elgie (Ed.), Semi-Presidentialism in Europe (pp. 260–280). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Wolczuk, K. (2000). History, Europe and the «National idea». The «Official» Narrative of National Identity in Ukraine. Nationalities Papers, 28, 671–694. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/00905990020009674

Received 18.08.2020

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